The Maharashtra assembly election 2024 will be remembered for a long time for a number of reasons, all undesirable for a healthy democracy. The ruling Maha Yuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) had waged a decisive battle to control the richest state of India. Since the fate of India’s political process and of many prominent state leaders will be closely linked with the outcome, this political slugfest has been under a scanner. Whatever views one may hold, it is a fact that the electioneering over the past month has witnessed many disturbing trends. It is a common boast that Maharashtra has a culture better and different than other states. It is described as a progressive and socially advanced state. Therefore, the political leadership of Maharashtra will have to introspect and decide on its future course of action to ensure that deterioration in public behaviour of many bigwigs becomes a thing of the past and the people get a stable government that is committed to public welfare through all-round development.
This election’s one unsettling highlight is the impractical promises made by both sides, all resulting in adding to the state’s debt burden. The Maha Yuti’s “Ladki Bahin Yojana” is the focus of this newly adopted practice. While each eligible woman gets Rs. 1500 directly every month under the scheme. The Yuti has promised to enhance the amount to Rs.2100 if it is returned to power. Similarly, the Congress-led MVA has promised Rs.3000 though the opposition combine had earlier criticised it. The resultant burden could be to the tune of around Rs.90000 crore if this promise is implemented. The state is already under a debt of around Rs.8 lakh crore. But little thought is given to this stark reality. On the other hand, financial assistance to farmers, youths and senior citizens is being assured. Such tall promises will have a long-term adverse impact on the state’s financial health.
The other worrying factor is the blatant use of the caste card. Even in the past, selecting candidates was based on individual caste, sub-caste and religion but such attributes were never flaunted openly. The scenario was different altogether this time. MVA wooed the minorities and the downtrodden by painting Maha Yuti as a destroyer of the constitution. This campaign gave it handsome dividends in the Lok Sabha election. Alarmed by this, the BJP strategists countered by using slogans like “Ek Hain Toh Safe Hain” and “Batendge Toh Katenge,” from Prime Minister Narendra Modi and UP chief minister Yogi Adityanath. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi held a few rallies across the state but his laments were like old wine in a new bottle.
While MVA was trying to exploit its success in Lok Sabha polls, the BJP had a great booster by its spectacular performance in Haryana assembly election. Its planning to consolidate non-Jat votes served as a blueprint in Maharashtra. Its strategy to strengthen the Hindu vote bank was applied adroitly. MVA’s efforts to revive its dependence upon the minorities and the deprived sections of the electorate took off soon afterwards.
The BJP also wanted to reassure its OBC vote bank, which was worried about its share of reservations in educational institutions and government jobs since some Maratha leaders were demanding a slice within the OBC category. In a calculated move, the BJP came out with its renewed commitment to the Maratha reservations but made it amply clear that its concern for the OBCs was never tacit. In a bid to alienate further, the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray continued to harp on whipping up sentiments by continuously hammering that employment, capital and industries had been going to Gujarat at the cost of Maharashtra.
To respond to this, MVA leadership was very aggressive for Maratha reservations but was unable to explain why the Congress and the NCP under Sharad Pawar had never conceded to this demand when they were in power for such a long time. To rectify the situation, they promised reservations to sections like Dhangars, Lingayats, Muslims and Vimukta & Nomadic Tribes.
Another major aspect of the Maharashtra assembly election 2024 is that money and muscle power have been in rampant use. Though it is a known fact that both are used, this is the first time when both sides are making allegations in this regard against each other. Stacks of cash are seized in different parts of the state by the election machinery. The source of this wealth remains obscure and people forget about it once the electoral battle ends.
Muscle power, too, was evident in several areas. Political leaders and workers were attacked and assaulted. One candidate reportedly went to the extent of threatening ‘murder’ to his opponent in a public place. The public disclosures made by the candidates under law have listed serious pending cases against some of them.
Rising prices have led to distress, in urban and rural areas alike. Both sides have promised to stabilise prices of essential commodities. This will again create a load onto the state finances. Backward areas like Vidarbha and Marathwada where agriculture is the main occupation are feeling the brunt of this factor more severely. Although the state government promised to further increase the minimum support price of soybean, the disparity between the market price and MSP has made farmers unhappy. Direct cash transfer are said to be not enough antidote for some of the districts in which the economy is dependent upon soyabean and cotton.
The use of foul language and insulting terms on different counts is another highlight of this electioneering. At the beginning of the campaigning, Sena (UBT) MP Arvind Sawant had described Yuti’s assembly candidate Shaina NC as ‘imported maal’ since she was not from the constituency. After facing a backlash, he apologised. Of course, Sawant was not alone. Senior Congress leader Balasaheb Thorat’s daughter Jayashree also was a victim of such invective. A local BJP leader was then reprimanded for the lapse. But absence of matching punishment is the reason the speakers are not deterred.
The impact of the factors influencing the outcome for individuals and for various constituencies will be discussed subsequently.
A Column By
Dilip Chaware – Senior Editor
A media professional for 43 years, with extensive experience of writing on
a variety of subjects; he is also a documentary producer and book author.
